Publicado por la Fundación Ideas para la Paz el 26 de octubre de 2020.
A look at the security situation amid the health crisis in Catatumbo, southern Córdoba, and Antioquia’s northeast and Bajo Cauca regions.
October 26, 2020
Publicado por la Fundación Ideas para la Paz el 26 de octubre de 2020.
A look at the security situation amid the health crisis in Catatumbo, southern Córdoba, and Antioquia’s northeast and Bajo Cauca regions.
October 26, 2020
Publicado por la Corporación Jurídica Libertad y otras organizaciones el 1 de octubre de 2020.
A report, submitted to the transitional justice system, about extrajudicial executions committed by the Colombian Army’s Medellín-based 4th Brigade.
October 1, 2020
Publicado por Verdad Abierta el 29 de agosto de 2020.
Summarizes recent ombudsman (Defensoría) alerts about the threats to the population of southwestern Antioquia department resulting from increased organized crime and neo-paramilitary activity.
August 29, 2020
Publicado por Semana el 29 de agosto de 2020.
A rundown of the 1997 paramilitary massacre in Antioquia that, some allege, received support from the office of then-governor Álvaro Uribe.
August 29, 2020
Publicado por Semana el 28 de julio de 2020.
Examines the alleged responsibility of ex-president Álvaro Uribe and the armed forces for serious human rights abuses in Antioquia.
July 28, 2020
Publicado por Verdad Abierta el 21 de julio de 2020.
An overview, relying on studies from the Defensoría, of recent criminal gang dynamics in Medellín.
July 21, 2020
We’re pleased to share this letter, addressed to the U.S. Congress, from community leaders in Briceño, Antioquia. When Colombia’s government and the FARC were nearing a peace agreement in 2015, they agreed to set up pilot projects in Briceño for coca substitution and landmine removal. As the leaders’ letter explains, it has been both a positive and a frustrating experience. View or download a PDF version.
Briceño, Antioquia, Colombia, July 16, 2020
Dear U.S. Senators, Representatives, and staff:
We write from Briceño, a municipality in the northwestern department (province) of Antioquia, Colombia that has lived through the insecurity of an armed conflict, the violence of the illicit coca economy, and more recently, the hope of a peace process. Our experience as Colombia’s “Peace Laboratory”—the site of pilot projects for humanitarian demining and illicit crop substitution as part of the peace agreement between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrillas—shows what the peace process can achieve, and what can be lost if we don’t support it.
In the last week, US congresspeople have shown admirable leadership in public messages in favor of the Colombian people: first, a letter to Secretary Pompeo calling for protection for social leaders and, second, the House Appropriations Committee’s report seeking to use U.S. assistance to promote the peace accords’ implementation, and to support coca substitution as the most effective solution to cocaine production and trafficking.
With this letter, we wish to share some of the experience of Briceño in the hope that American legislators may take further concrete steps to encourage the Colombian government to use voluntary substitution as the priority strategy to diminish coca cultivation, and to respect and accelerate the implementation of the peace accords.
From approximately 2000 to 2017, coca dominated our local economy. As distinct from traditional crops like coffee and beans, it offered us four to six harvests a year, a relatively high price, and easy access to markets via armed groups that purchased coca paste in the territory. Nonetheless, coca also brought a wave of violence, as the FARC and paramilitary groups fought for control of the territory and its illicit economy. As in many rural areas of Colombia, civilians suffered the most in the conflict. In Briceño, we measured more than 9,000 acts of victimization (the majority forced displacement, homicide, or threats)—a number greater than the entire local population.
In 2015, a pilot humanitarian demining program, the first collaboration between the Colombian government and the FARC during their negotiations of the historic 2016 peace agreement, came to the hamlet of El Orejón in Briceño. This area, according to official FARC sources, had approximately eight antipersonnel mines for each inhabitant. In 2017, following the signing of the peace accords, Briceño was also declared the site of a pilot program for the substitution of illicit crops, negotiated as the accords’ fourth point. 2,734 families entered the program and pulled out their coca crops with the expectation of help with productive projects and technical assistance, along with a comprehensive land tenure reform, to allow them to transition to a licit economy. With demining and substitution, Briceño took on a leading role as the “Colombian Peace Laboratory,” awakening our hopes for a deeper territorial transformation.
The voluntary substitution agreement promised to provide these families with food security, productive projects, and technical assistance for two years, while simultaneously serving as an example of how to solve the world drug supply problem and transition from coca cultivation to legal economies. Importantly, we participated in the program’s construction, adding our voices to a joint effort involving the government, FARC representatives, and international cooperation. We then made the collective decision to pull out our coca, trusting that the help we need to change our lives would arrive. However, three years later, we are still waiting for the majority of the projects we were promised.
These problems notwithstanding, Briceño is the municipality in Colombia where the substitution program has advanced the most. In addition to the government’s failure to deliver promised resources to the 99,097 families nationwide who signed voluntary substitution agreements, we are concerned that the government has returned to violent and coercive solutions in areas where substitution has not even arrived. These include forced manual eradication, which during the COVID-19 pandemic alone has caused the deaths of six farmers at the hands of the Colombian army, and fumigation with glyphosate from aircraft, which has been prohibited in Colombia since 2015 for its damaging health effects but is on its way to a return with the Trump administration’s strong support.
Despite the problems we have experienced, the example of Briceño shows us that substitution works. In five months, without firing a single weapon, sacrificing a single human life, or creating a single victim, we voluntarily pulled out 99% of the coca in Briceño. And even with the government’s failure to live up to the agreement, UNODC officials certify that beneficiaries haven’t replanted their coca.
We have experienced the alternatives to substitution. In the times of coca, small planes arrived to fumigate our coca fields with glyphosate, which also killed our food crops and poisoned our water. We have experienced forced manual eradication, which brought deaths and injuries from armed confrontations and land mines planted within coca fields. In each case, when our coca crops were left destroyed, we were given no alternatives to change to other livelihoods. In each case, the great majority of farmers salvaged or replanted their coca. Our experience is consistent with the findings of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), which has documented a replanting rate of higher than 45% in the case of forced manual eradication and higher than 80% for aerial fumigation.
Conversely, according to the same organization, the replanting rate for the voluntary substitution program has been 0.4%. With the productive projects and rural development provided for in the peace accords, Colombia’s coca farmers are willing and able to transition to licit crops. Without them, or with coercive approaches to coca cultivation, we fear the Colombian countryside will be caught up in yet another cycle of violence and illegal production.
The Peace Agreement represents a unique opportunity for the Colombian people to take an important step in the fight against the drug problem, extreme poverty, and armed conflict. Our example demonstrates that we can transform our territory, but the accords and specifically the agreed upon times must be respected. The danger of not living up to the agreement is evident in the multiple threats, displacements, and deaths that social leaders have suffered the implementation of the peace accords and particularly the Covid-19 pandemic. We appreciate the recent messages from the American Congress in support of the Colombian people. We know the influence on Colombian politics of the statements and economic aid that reach us from the US. We ask that you use this power to support the peace process, voluntary substitution, the victims of armed conflict, and our social leaders in the following ways:
Sincerely,
Jhon Jairo Gonzalez Agudelo
Coordinator of the Association for Victims’ Effective Participation, Municipality of Briceño
Richard Patiño
President of ASOCOMUNAL, Briceño
Menderson Mosquera Pinto
Coordinator of the Association for Victims’ Effective Participation, Department of Antioquia
Alex Diamond
Researcher and Doctoral Student in Sociology, University of Texas at Austin
Pedro Arenas
Director, Observatory of Crops and Cultivators Declared Illicit, Occdi Global
Corporación Viso Mutop
July 21, 2020
For security reasons, Colombia’s government helps to relocate an entire settlement of demobilized FARC guerrillas from the Román Ruiz post-conflict demobilization site (ETCR) in Ituango, Antioquia, to the neighboring municipality of Mutatá, several hours’ drive away, where the government has rented new land. Twelve members of the ETCR had been killed in the site’s vicinity since the FARC demobilized. The Gulf Clan and Caparros paramilitary groups are active in Ituango, as are dissident members of the FARC’s old 18th Front.
July 15, 2020
Publicado por la Comisión de la Verdad el 15 de julio de 2020.
A discussion of the conflict’s impact on Afro-Descendant communities in Antioquia, Caldas, Risaralda, and Quindío.
July 15, 2020
Publicado por Semana el 15 de julio de 2020.
Violence has forced an entire community of demobilized guerrillas to vacate their former demobilization site in Antioquia. A panel discusses protection of excombatants.
July 15, 2020
Publicado por El Espectador Colombia 2020 el 15 de julio de 2020.
Violence forces a community of former FARC combatants to abandon their former demobilization zone and relocate, with government assistance, elsewhere in Antioquia.
July 15, 2020
Caption: “Este miércoles en la mañana, iniciará el traslado concertado de excombatientes de Ituango hacia Mutatá. Para esta jornada, el Gobierno Nacional ya tiene listo el transporte, alimentos y seguridad. 🚚”
July 13, 2020
Publicado por la Comisión Colombiana de Juristas el 8 de junio de 2020.
A family recounts the struggle for justice 30 years after a notorious massacre in Campamento, Antioquia.
June 8, 2020
Two relatives of FARC excombatants, aged 15 and 17, are murdered on a rural road in Ituango, Antioquia. The FARC reintegration site in Ituango is so threatened by paramilitaries and FARC dissidents disputing Ituango—a town strategically located along a major drug trafficking route—that its members have asked to displace the entire community elsewhere.
June 6, 2020
The Prosecutor-General’s Office (Fiscalía) orders the detention of the governor of Antioquia, Aníbal Gaviria, on charges of an irregularity in the changing of a road-building contract during an earlier term.
June 5, 2020
Ariolfo Sánchez Ruiz, a campesino opposing an Army-led eradication operation in Anorí, Antioquia, is detained and killed by soldiers, according to local campesino organizations.
May 20, 2020
Published by One Earth Future on May 8, 2020.
In Anorí, Antioquia, Mirian tells how PASO Colombia’s Contingency Plan To Support Ex-coca Grower Families enabled her to receive the first formal payment of her life.
May 8, 2020
Published by NACLA on May 5, 2020.
An update from a scholar who has been sheltering in place with a campesino family in Briceño, Antioquia, the town chosen for a pilot crop substitution project before the 2016 peace accord was signed.
May 4, 2020
Troops from the Army’s 4th Brigade eradicate coca in Antioquia department.
May 3, 2020
Publicado por El Espectador el 2 de mayo de 2020.
“Todo Bien,” an animated feature created by El Espectador‘s Colombia2020 project, tells the story of Antioquia’s Madres de la Candelaria.
May 2, 2020
Published by One Earth Future on April 30, 2020.
Nancy tells how she has implemented her leadership and gender-related insights in the municipal nursery of Anorí, Antioquia.
April 30, 2020
Publicado por Semana el 1 de marzo de 2020.
Investigators from Colombia’s transitional justice tribunal have established that many bodies in a laboratory at the University of Antioquia are those of conflict victims. Something similar may be the case nationwide, wherever unidentified bodies are buried in cemeteries. Accompanies a Semana article.
March 1, 2020
Indigenous community leaders and FARC leaders participate in a meeting in Dabeiba, Antioquia, aimed at moving toward reconciliation and reparations.
February 29, 2020
February 24, 2020